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Aug. 4, 2014

Laws

Dec. 5, 2023

JoRC

 Full ReferenceJournal of Regulation & Compliance (JoRC) and Institut de Recherche Juridique de la Sorbonne (André Tunc - IRJS) of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University, La Vigilance, pointe avancée de l'Obligation de Compliance (Vigilance, advanced point of the Compliance Obligation), Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University, December 5, 2023, 12 place du Panthéon, salle 6.

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 🏗️ This symposium takes place in the cycle of symposiums organised by the Journal of Regulation & Compliance (JoRC) and its partner Universities, focusing in 2023 on the general theme of Compliance Obligation.

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 This symposium is organised by the Journal of Regulation & Compliance (JoRC) and Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University, through its Institut de Recherche Juridique de la Sorbonne (André Tunc - IRJS)

This symposium is held in French.

the symposium is under the scientific direction of 🕴️Marie-Anne Frison-Roche🕴️Mustapha Mekki , and 🕴️Jean-Christophe Roda.

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To register for a physical presence: anouk.leguillou@mafr.fr (as places are limited, you will be asked to confirm 48 hours in advance).
To register for an online presence, via Zoom: Click HERE 

🧮 The event will take place at Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University, 12 place du Panthéon 75005, in Salle 6, on 5 December 2023.

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► Présentation of the theme : The Vigilance Obligation is difficult to define because of the multiplicity of texts and cases in which it can be understood. This is particularly true of the Vigilance mechanism, which illustrates, and even emphasises, the Vigilance Obligation. Through international texts, French law and European texts that have been adopted or are in the process of being adopted, the constraints of vigilance, but also the structures and actions that companies have put in place and the actions that stakeholders have taken, Vigilance has highlighted aspects of the Compliance Obligation, and even modified it. 

The revelatory effect thus produced and the movement thus unleashed, whose roots run deep and whose systemic effects are very significant, justify a greater focus on mechanisms that are interconnected, whereas they are sometimes perceived in silos, which makes it difficult to understand the whole picture. In the same way, because Vigilance is the advanced point of the Compliance Obligation, we can better distinguish and articulate what is sector-specific, in particular in banking and finance or in digital matters, and articulate them with what Vigilance has, like Compliance, of a more general nature. What's more, the intensity of Vigilance varies according to its ambitions and the position of the company subject to it, which is reflected in the variations in legal qualification, ranging from a duty to a criminally sanctioned obligation. 

The different legal systems reflect these developments in their legislation, case law and the practice of companies and stakeholders in specific ways, because these different techniques express standards of behaviour and accountability, which are directly reflected in evidential requirements, concepts of responsibility and institutional translations through possible regulatory bodies.

As a result, the symposium is divided into three parts. After a general introduction on the systemic relationships between Vigilance and Compliance, the first part will focus on the variation in Vigilance Intensities, the advanced point of Compliance, the second part will look at the Tensions that Vigilance generates or exacerbates, and the third part will look at the Modalities that Vigilance uses in Compliance systems.

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The proceedings of this colloquium will form the basis of one chapter in the books: 

📕L'obligation de Compliancein the collection 📚Régulations & Compliance, copublished by the Journal of Regulation & Compliance (JoRC) and Dalloz.

📘Compliance Obligation, in the collection 📚Compliance & Regulation, copublished by the Journal of Regulation & Compliance (JoRC) and Bruylant.

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Speakers:  

🎤Laurence Dubin, Professor at Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University

🎤Marie-Anne Frison-Roche, Professor of Regulatory & Compliance Law, director of the Journal of Regulation & Compliance (JoRC)

🎤Bernard Haftel, Professor at Paris-Nord University

🎤Marie Lamoureux, Professor at Aix-Marseille University

🎤Grégoire Loiseau, Professor at Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University

🎤Véronique Magnier, Professor at Paris-Saclay University

🎤Gilles J. Martin, Emeritus Professor at Côte d'Azur University, member of the Groupe de Recherche en Droit, Économie, Gestion (GREDEG) of the CNRS

🎤Mustapha Mekki, Professor at Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University

🎤Jean-Christophe Roda, Professor at Jean Moulin Lyon 3 University

🎤Anne-Claire Rouaud, Professor at Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University

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🔻 read a detailed presentation of the manifestation below 🔻

Updated: March 6, 2012 (Initial publication: March 6, 2012)

Others

Organisé par Trans Europe Experts 30 mars 2012 | Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie de Paris.

Dec. 18, 2014

Breaking news

Virtual currency is a perfect example of the difficulties of interregulation: indeed, the bitcoins are currencies created on the Internet, usually to play games, such as poker. Thus intersect banking regulation, banking supervision, regulation and control of the game, Internet regulation itself.

In the US, the situation is complicated in that banking regulation is exercised at the state level, while the Internet is subject to intervention by federal regulators, including the Federal Communication Commission.
 
To solve this problem, the solution is to create a network of states banking regulators and supervisors, who adopt common rules. This is why the Conference of State Bank Supervisors, which is the network of state banking supervisors, created in 1902, has prepared a draft regulation of virtual currency, published December 16, 2014 and submitted for consultation for a month.

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Dec. 10, 2014

Sectorial Analysis

Constitutional Law will have an increasingly important role to play in regulatory Law. This is especially true since the State Council uses its power to filter itself become a sort of Constitutional Court or maybe a Supreme Court.

One can think so reading the UBS decision on the 5th of November 2014.

Indeed, to refuse to transmit to the Conseil constitutionnel (French Constitutional Council)  the priority question of constitutionality formulated by UBS, the French Council of State gives what it believes to be the correct interpretation of the constitutional principle of legality of offenses and penalties in banking regulatory Law.

So to say there is no "question", the Conseil d'État says there is no "problem" because, through the interpretation it gives, the provisions of the Code Monétaire et Financier offers to the Supervisory Authority, the Autorité de Contrôle Prudentiel et de Résolution (ACPR), the power to sanction the bank for having not properly implemented its internal control, comply with the constitutional principle of legality of offenses and penalties, which is applicable in administrative repression.

But because to estimate that there is no "question", it must be said that there is no "problem", it is assumed that the High Administrative Court has acted as Constitutional Court.

We must take note. Is this really what the Constituent wanted by instituting a filter system by the constitutional law of the 23rd July 2008 establishing the priority question on constitutionality? Indeed, in this very sensitive and decisive question of repression in banking and finance, is it not at least to the French Constitutional Council itself to say the authoritative interpretation to remember that the constitutional text it is the guardian?

Compliance and Regulation Law Glossary

Regulation presupposes that we move from a political conception of Act (that is to say a collective Decision expressed by the State) or a civilist one (that is, a will expressed by one or several individuals in one Contract) to an economic vision of trading organizations whose action is the expression of the market. If one relies on the adjustment of supply and demand, that is to say, the meeting of desires and interests, there will be "self-regulation", which is the "Law of the Market ", referring to competition law. The act of the operators is only a reflection of this law, in action.

La Régulation est alors plus complexe car elle vise autre chose que cette rationalité mécanique, soit en raison d’une défaillance du marché (par exemple en cas de monopole naturel) soit parce qu’on veut obtenir plus que ce que le marché peut donner (par ex. l’accès de tous à des biens communs, comme la santé, même pour des demandeurs insolvables). Dans ce cas, sont élaborées des règlementations, interventions ex ante désignées en anglais par le terme regulation. La règlementation est adéquate si elle incite des agents économiques à adopter des comportements qui concrétisent le but recherché par l’auteur de la règlementation.

Regulation is then more complex because it aims at something other than this mechanical rationality, either because of a market failure (for example in the case of a natural monopoly) or because it wants to obtain more than the market can give ( Eg access to common goods by all, such as health, even for insolvent claimants). In this case, regulations are drawn up, ex ante intervention. The regulation is adequate if it encourages economic agents to adopt behaviors that concretize the aim sought by the author of the regulatory mechanisms.

This strategic use of law then requires the necessary detour through the economic analysis of law, that is to say the analysis of law in its economic effects.

This discipline created in the United States by Ronald Coase (Nobel Prize for Economics in 1991) can be merely descriptive and reveal what economic effects the law produced. This conception, which is that of Richard Posner, makes the economic analysis of law an instrument of expertise for the political decision-maker, who can take this into account if it is necessary to modify the rules. A more radical conception of the so-called "normative economic analysis of law" is to argue that the conclusions of the analysis would oblige the decision-maker to follow it.

The issue is decisive because in the first case the law and the jurists - in particular the Legislator and the judge - still have an autonomous existence, in the second case they no longer exist, they are no more than the binding and explicit form of the "Law of the market" whose nature is a-legal.

Even in its descriptive form, economic analysis of the law is generally rejected in France in that it disregards the role of the law in that it carries moral values. It is in reality to ignore its merely descriptive, instructive and useful function, and the fact that it opens instead the amplitude of the rational choice offered to political decision-makers. Moreover, regulation is not only a technical discipline, it is also a political and philosophical issue. Descriptive economic analysis is more appropriate to it than normative economic analysis of the law, which claims to vassalize or even destroy other disciplines, which are substantially unknown.

Updated: Feb. 10, 2011 (Initial publication: Feb. 8, 2011)

I. Isolated Articles

ENGLISH

This article traces the development of the regulatory state in China through the case of coal mine safety and tries to find out the logic of regulatory state building in China as well as its fundamental dilemmas embodied during the process. Based on the change of the coal mine market and governmental agencies responsible for managing coal mines, the article divides the history of regulatory state building into three periods: one of totalitarian command control when production was priority; then under rapid marketization when profits became priority, government regulation began to take shape, and currently safety regulation has become the focus, the government resorts to merging and reorganization of coal mines. The track of regulatory state building embodies the following characteristics: firstly, regulatory reform lacks a clear strategy; secondly, admission control based on licensing is still the primary way of regulation; thirdly, the idea of social regulation, instead of economic regulation based on price and entrance regulation, has gradually appeared; fourthly, gradual reliance on local government on daily regulation; finally, coal mine workers did not have a say in the regulation to defend their own rights.
 
CHINESE
 
论文中国监管型政府构建轨迹及逻辑煤矿安全案例研究。
本文透过对于煤矿安全的案例研究,追溯了中国监管型政府的发展历程,并且试图寻找其构建逻辑以及在此过程当中所出现的困境。基于煤炭市场和政府煤炭行业管理部门的变化,本文对于中国监管型政府的构建历程作出了三个历史阶段的划分:首先是全权主义指令支配下的生产优先阶段;而后是在快速市场化背景之下的利润优先阶段,政府监管初具雏形;最后是在当前安全监管为主的背景之下,政府对于煤矿的整合重组。中国监管型政府的构建轨迹有以下几个特点:首先,监管改革缺乏明确的战略指导;其次,基于特许的行业准入制度仍是实施监管的主要方式;再次,逐渐显现的社会性管制替代了基于价格和准入规制的经济性管制;第四,管制行为日趋依赖地方政府;最后,煤矿工人在管制过程当中缺乏话语权去维护自身权益。关键词:监管型政府;煤矿;市场;政府。
 
PORTUGUESE
Artigo : O rumo e a lógica da construção do Estado Regulatório na China: estudo de caso da segurança de minas de carvão
Este artigo retraça o desenvolvimento do Estado Regulatório na China a partir do caso da segurança nas minas de carvão e procura identificar a lógica do Estado Regulatório na China, bem como os problemas fundamentais surgidos durante o processo. Baseado na mudança do mercado de minas de carvão e das agências governamentais responsáveis pela administração de minas de carvão, o artigo divide a história da construção do Estado Regulatório em três períodos: o primeiro de controle de comando totalitário, quando a produção era a prioridade; depois, sob rápida “mercadorização”, quando o lucro se tornou prioridade, a regulação de governo começou a desenhar-se; e atualmente o foco deslocou-se para a regulação de segurança, levando o governo a mesclar e reorganizar as minas de carvão. O rumo da construção do Estado Regulatório contém as seguintes características: em primeiro lugar, a reforma regulatória padece de uma estratégia clara; em segundo lugar, o controle de admissões baseado em demissões ainda é o modo preferido de regulação; em terceiro lugar, a ideia de regulação social, no lugar de regulação econômica baseada na regulação do preço e da entrada, aparace gradualmente; em quarto lugar, confiança gradual em governos locais para regulações quotidianas; finalmente, trabalhadores de minas de carvão não costumavam ter algo a dizer, em matéria de regulação, para defender seus próprios direitos. Palavras-chave: Estado Regulatório; Mina de carvão; mercado; governo.
 
SPANISH 

Artículo: El rumbo y la lógica en la construcción del Estado Regulatoria de China: Un estudio de caso de la seguridad en las minas de carbón.

El artículo traza el desarrollo de del estado regulatorio en China a través de la seguridad de las minas y trata de encontrar la lógica de la construcción del estado chino al igual sus dilemas fundamentales que se permean el proceso. Basado en el cambio del mercado de las minas de carbón y la responsabilidad del manejo del carbón por las agencias gubernamentales, el artículo divide la historia del estado regulatorio en tres periodos: una de control totalitario cuando el énfasis era en la producción; después bajo una “mercaderización” acelerada las ganancias eran la prioridad, la regulación gubernamental comenzó a formarse y la regulación ha sido el enfoque, el gobierno se dedica a unir y reorganizar las minas de carbón. La trayectoria de construcción del estado regulatoria tiene las características siguientes: primero, la reforma regulatoria no posee una estrategia clara; segundo, el control de admisión es basado en la entrega de licencias permanece siendo la manera preferida de la regulación; tercero, la idea de la regulación social, en vez de la regulación económica basada en el precio y la regulación de entrada, ha emergido gradualmente; cuarto, una mayor dependencia sobre el gobierno local para las cuestiones de regulación diaria; y finalmente, los trabajadores de las minas de carbón no podían influenciar la regulación para defender sus propios derechos. 

June 23, 2019

Breaking news

The European Banking Union is based on supervision as much as on regulation: it concerns the operators as much as the structures of the sector, because the operators "hold" the sector.

This is why the "regulator - supervisor" holds the operators by the supervision and is close to them.

He meets them officially and in "soft law" relations. This is all the more necessary since the distinction between the Ex Ante and the Ex Post must be nuanced, in that its application is too rigid, in that it involves a long time (first of all the rules, then to apply them, then to notice a gap between rules and behaviors, then to repair it) is not appropriate if the system aims at the prevention of systemic crises, whose source is inside the operators.

This is why the body in charge of solving the difficulties of the systemic banks for the salvation of the systeme meets the banking sector itself, to ensure that they are permanently "resolvable", so that the hypothesis of their resolution never arises. This is the challenge of this system: that it is always ready, for never be applying.

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In the European Banking Union, the Single Resolution Board (SRB) is in charge of "resolve" the difficulties of European systemic banks in difficulty. It is the public body of the second pillar of the Banking Union. The first pillar is the prevention of these difficulties and the third is the guarantee of deposits. The resolution is therefore more like an Ex Post mechanism.

But in this continuum through these three pillars between the Ex Ante and the Ex Post, the SRB does not wait passively - as would a traditional judge do - that the file of the troubled bank reaches it. Like a supervisor - which brings it closer to the first public in the system (Single Supervisory Board -SSB), which supervises all the banks, it is in direct contact with all the banks, and it approaches the hypothesis of a bank in trouble by a systemic perspective: it is therefore to the entire banking system that the SRB addresses itself.

As such, it organizes meetings, where he is located: in Brussels.

Thus, on June 18, 2019, all banks came to discuss with the Single Resolution Board to know what it wants from the banks and for the banks, in what is called a "dialogue meeting".

To resolve in Ex Post the difficulties of a bank, it has to present a quality (a little known concept in Bankruptcy Law): "resolvability". How build it? Who build it ? In its very design and in its application, bank by bank.

For the resolution body vis-à-vis all players in the banking and financial sector, it's clear: "Working together" is crucial in building resolvability ".

In the projection that is made, it is affirmed that there can be a successful resolution only if the operator in difficulty is not deprived of access to what makes to stay it alive, that is to say the banking and financial system itself, and more specifically the "Financial Market Infrastructures", for example payment services.

Does the Single Resolution Board expect spontaneous commitments from the FMIs for such a "right of access"? In this case, as the Single Resolution Board says, this right of access corresponds to "critical functions" for a bank, the resolution situation can not justify the closure of the service.

By nature, these crucial operators are entities that report to regulators who oversee them. Who enforces - and immediately - this right of access? When one can think that it is everyone, it risks being nobody .... That is why the resolution body, relaying in this a concern of the Financial Stability Board, underlines that it is necessary to articulate the supervisors, regulators and "resolvers" between them.

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To read this program, since it is a proposed program of work for the banking sector, four observations can be made:

1. We are moving more and more towards a general "intermaillage" (which will perhaps replace the absence of a global State, but it is an similar nature because it is always to public authorities that it refers and not to self-regulation);

2. But as there is no political authority to keep these guardians, the entities that articulate all these various public structures, with different functions, located in different countries, acting according to different temporalities, these are the companies themselves that internalize the concern that animates those who built the system: here the prevention of systemic risk. This is the definition of Compliance, which brings back to companies, here more clearly those those which manage the Market Infrastructures, the obligations of Compliance (here the management of systemic risk through the obligation of giving access).

3. Even without a  single systemic guard, there is always a recourse. That will be the judge. There are already many, there will probably be more in a system of this type, more and more complex, the articulation of disputes is sometimes called "dialogue". And it is undoubtedly "decisions of principle" that will set the principles common to all of these particular organisms.

4. We then see the emergence of Ex Ante mechanisms for the solidity of the systems, and the solidity of the players in the systems, and then the Ex Post resolution of the difficulties of the actors according to access to the solidity of the infrastructures of these systems, which ultimately depend on judges (throughout the West) facing areas where all of this depends much less on the judge: the rest of the world.

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Jan. 16, 2015

Breaking news

Reading the press, for example Les Echos January 16, 2015, we learn that Standard & Poor's will sign an agreement of $ 1 billion with the US administration to avoid a trial.

One can only be amazed or even upset.

First, the agreement is not yet concluded. It would be in a month or two. How is it that we already know? Secondly, contracts, because the transaction is a contract listed by the Civil Code, are not intended to be public. How is it that we already know everything? The person who gave the information "was keen to remain anonymous." It would have suspected ......

Third, it is true that the regulation of rating agencies is a big issue. Special texts have been taken but academics think the right tools stay missing and that is probably the liability, general legal instrument, which is the most appropriate.

But the responsibility of commitment requires a trial, evidence, respect for the rights of defense, due processs,  legality of offenses and penalties.. Here, $ 1 billion is paid by the company only to avoid that opens a lawsuit against it. The allegation is the rating agency would have underestimated the subprime risk.

But on one hand everyone says that the rating agency has actually done the facts allegued since payroll so that the file doesn't open. On the other hand, and from the perspective of regulating the information that would be out of the trial, a trial being a form of crisis, will not come out.

So this sort of industry fof "Deals of Justice", apart from the fact that some describe the phenomenon as a "racket", isn't a "decriminalization" of regulation for a "civilized regulation" through the transaction contract. On the contrary, this movement that is spreading constitutes an increased repression whic diminishes rights of defense for the operator and information for the sector.

One can only be amazed or even upset.

 

Updated: Sept. 15, 2010 (Initial publication: Sept. 9, 2010)

I. Isolated Articles

The Directive innovates and improves the UCITS’ single market in three ways: first by recasting the 1985 Directive on UCITS in order to implement a simpler and harmonized regulatory framework (therefore improving UCITS’ marketing and investors’ protection) ; second, by providing for more cooperation between national and supranational regulators in order to secure and supervise UCITS’ single market ; third, by integrating the Directive into the Lamfalussy process as to ensure that its provisions be well-conceived, concurrently implemented by Member States and efficiently controlled by regulators.


FRENCH

 

La directive innove et améliore le marché interne des OPCV de trois façons : tout d’abord en réformant la Directive de 1985 sur les OPCVM de manière à instaurer un système de régulation plus simple et harmonisé (améliorant ainsi l’activité des OPCVM et la protection des investisseurs) ; en second lieu, elle met en place un meilleure coopération entre régulateurs nationaux et supranationaux de façon à sécuriser et mieux superviser le marché des OPCVM ; enfin, elle intègre la Directive dans le processus Lamfalussy afin de s’assurer de la qualité de ses dispositions, de sa transposition simultanée par les Etats Membres et de son contrôle effectif par les régulateurs européens.

 

GERMAN


Dank der OGAW Richtlinie von July 2009 richtet sich der Europäische Aktionsplan für Finanzdienstleistungen schritterweise nach mehr Liberalisierung sowie Regulierung der Binnenmarkt.

Die OGAW Richtline führt drei Reformen ein: Erstens wird die vorherige Richtlinie von 1985 verbessert, damit die Regulierung von OGAW leichter und harmonischer wird (und infolgedessen, damit der OGAW Betrieb und der Investorensschutz besser funktionnieren). Zweitens wird die Zusammenarbeit zwischen nationale- und europäische Regulierungsbehörde gefördert, um den OGAW-Markt sicherer zu machen. Und letztens wird die Richtlinie im Lamfalussy- Verfahren integriert. So werden die Qualität der Anordnungen der Richtlinie, ihre gleichzeitige Umsetzung der Richtlinie von Mitgliedstaaten und ihre tatsächtliche Überwachung auf der EU-Ebene gewährleistet.

 

SPANISH

Una Directiva visionaria sobre los OICVM: un nuevo paso hacia un mercado interno liberal, pero regulado en el sector de servicios financieros

La Directiva innova y mejora el mercado interno de los OICVM de tres formas: la primera, al relanzar la Directiva de OICVM de 1985 para poder implementar un marco regulatorio mas simple y harmonizado (lo cual mejora las acciones de los OICVM y la protección de los inversores); la segunda, al proveer más cooperación entre los reguladores nacionales y supranacionales para asegurar y supervisar el mercado de los OICVM; y la tercera, al integrar la Directiva en el proceso Lamfalussy para asegurar la calidad de sus disposiciones, su transposición simultanea para los Estados Miembros y su control eficaz por los reguladores europeos.

CHINESE

指令通过三种方式对OPCVM (证券共同投资机构)的内部市场进行改革和完善。首先,通过修改1985年欧洲基金指令进而创设一套给为简便和统一的监管体系(由此改进OPCVM的活动以及完善对投资者的保护);其次,指令较好的协调了国家调控与超国家调控之间的协作配合关系,以起到安定与完善监督证券共同投资机构市场的作用。最后,将欧洲基金指令纳入Lamfalussy程序(欧盟金融监管机构趋同的制度框架)之中,一方面便于成员国确保其条款质量和其同步实施,另一方面也便于欧洲相关监管机构实施有效的监督。